Quality and Legitimacy of Global Governance: Case Lessons from Forestry

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Introduction

Science and Justice 49, Journal of Coastal Research 25, The Comment of methane. Grassroots networks are engaged in the creation of new scales of identification, beyond the political boundaries or scales defined by international actors Dufour and Goyer, Actors can shift decision-making authority away from local organizations towards the transnational network.

Actors can also defend local autonomy and decision-making, maintaining a flexible transnational structure. In this paper, the analysis will be orientated towards reaching an understanding of the strategies mobilized by transnational community leaders to legitimise certain scales of community-based governance, forms of representativeness and alliances between actors. A critical approach to discourses suggests that they are the result of interpretation and bargaining processes between actors. A specific focus is shed on actors playing the role of intermediary between different discursive spheres Arts et al.

According to Adger et al. During the analysis of this material, particular attention has been paid to the distinct representations on common-pool resources and the scales that are claimed by transnational grassroots networks. In both cases, we analyse the position of the transnational discourses of associativity and territoriality regarding global norms. The human right to water refers to five central elements: availability, quality, acceptability, physical accessibility and affordability The requirements needed to attain the human right to water are primarily the responsibility of States.

These include providing financial resources, capacity-building and technology transfers, the prioritisation of domestic uses and human consumption over agricultural or energy uses, and the inclusion and participation of users in decision-making. It is a right that is officially institutionalized in several countries such as Ecuador or Bolivia Indeed, few details are provided at the international scale on the specific actors and scales that implement the human right to water Sultana and Loftus, Water is demanded for various uses and it is more and more scarce.

Therefore, we know there are conflictive interests. It also considers how rights are exercised and how actors become involved in the decision-making process. This tension is captured in the interviews of two actors involved in water governance in Ecuador. This framing opposes the collective approach of water as a global common and considers the individualistic dimension of universal human rights. Avina actively spread awareness of the idea of associativity across the continent through the coordination of a first regional meeting in Ecuador in which aimed to bring water community organizations together.

The provision of water to the most marginalized populations of Latin America is highlighted as an example. CLOCSAS frames the collective water management model as better suited to the needs of local populations, both in terms of prices and level of services. If we succeed in decreasing costs and making a better use in every aspect, by some way we are useful to humanity. If we suppose that tomorrow there is a lack of water due to a wrong management or use and there is no water, so where is the human right if we were not able to take care of it? Therefore, the implementation of the human right to water is not only linked to the integrated management of the resource but also to the social management of a service linked to monitoring, participation and dialogue with governments.

With this approach, governments assume an important responsibility in coordination with the community sector, converting water into a public good. These are linked to the ownership of carbon contained in forests, the role of States in guaranteeing local rights, and participation in decision-making processes Schroeder and McDermott, One of the most emblematic protests occurred in Panama. COICA aims to support the demands of indigenous people across million hectares of forests in the Amazon.

The first objective is to include climate mitigation mechanisms into national public policies to guarantee State control and to ensure that indigenous peoples can participate effectively. A second objective is to use climate mitigation funds to finance the titling and delimitation of indigenous territories. A third objective is to promote a holistic view of territories through the design of ecosystem services indicators beyond carbon sequestration and market-based mechanisms. The aim of this initiative is to increase the visibility of territorial and indigenous issues into international climate arenas.

Beyond territorial titling, AMPB claims that territorial delimitation and securitization from external users is the main priority for indigenous territories. A special agenda on territorial and indigenous rights was launched at the New York Climate Summit in September , in parallel with the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples. These two key global events were the opportunity for AMPB to prioritize three main demands from the international community: respect and reconstitution of ancestral territoriality; territorial climate funding; auto-determination and free, prior and informed consent FPIC.

Its aim was to raise global awareness on indigenous rights violations and their vital role in forest conservation worldwide. CLOCSAS frames water as a global common, through the norm of associativity aligned with the universal human right to water. On one hand, CLOCSAS uses the alternative frame of associativity to legitimise its representativeness at the international scale and build partnerships with international experts and public actors.

On the other hand, through its frame of territoriality, AMPB positions itself as a platform to decentralize international opportunities and funds and to build alliances with other transnational grassroots networks in tropical forests. In so doing, they assert their community-based representativeness and legitimacy. Several national leaders express their positive perception of CLOCSAS and their confidence in its ability to represent internationally.

This neutrality is a clear opportunity to be differentiated from the more radical protests often associated with the networks of indigenous people which still influence water politics in Latin America. On the contrary, they consider water as a paid service and defend their openness to enter into partnerships with public and private actors of the water sector According to them, the mention of associativity and the human right to water is sufficient to ensure the permanency of the community-based model.

The context of the renewal of the water law in illustrates these issues. In the consultation process with local communities and with the national government, ROSCGAE played a key role representing the community-based sector. The involvement of ROSCGAE as the main national expert on community-based governance was enabled by the apolitical status of the network. ROSCGAE is perceived as a platform to manage water from community, peasant, indigenous, afro-descendants, Amazonian and peri-urban organizations.

CONAIE was strongly opposed to the adoption of the new water law and led many protests in the country. Therefore, the radical character of this movement means that they are often excluded from national decision-making processes. This explains why they have been invited to participate into the design of a national strategy as a legitimate actor.

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Separately, the defence of a territorial approach on forests by AMPB contributes to a more radical and in turn, isolated position at the international scale. Second, we study how AMPB aims to be differentiated from technical experts and give priority to more radical partnerships with other transnational grassroots networks.

The objective is to regain control over decision-making processes that affect them directly.

This is a reference to the Latin-American airline and is used to describe a leadership present in international events but without a legitimate representation of community-based actors. In fact, they took advantage of the increased visibility of the conflict at the international level. These are the same communities who have been identified as the most appropriate actors positioned to handle climate change and deforestation issues.

In the academic field, some studies on the Mesoamerican region show that forests located on indigenous territories or governed by community foresters have lower rates of deforestation Kaimowitz, This fund — an anticipated million dollars — was created as part of the Green Climate Fund intended to be managed by indigenous communities. The majority of their forest community concessions will expire in the s The paper provides an insight into the transformations of the community-based model of water and forests governance against the backdrop of rising globalization and commodification of common-pool resources.

These discourses are associativity and territoriality respectively. However, transnational leaders of each network adopt a different orientation when reframing water and forests representations. This leads to a distinct claim on the scale to which these resources should be governed.

Jews and the American Religious Landscape. Columbia University Press, 2016.

In the following paragraphs, we discuss the general results presented in Table 1. Table 1. These are framed as universal or territorial rights, rather than an individualistic or private approach. However, CLOCSAS also seeks to transform water into a public good and as such recognises the role of State authorities in the co-implementation of the human right to water. Financial support for non-state representatives from developing countries could be a mechanism to vouchsafe a balance of opinions and perspectives. The North-South quotas required in meetings of non-state activists within the UN Commission on Sustainable Development are one way to achieve this.

Another way to include non-state actors from poorer nations could be by institutionalizing their participation. Allocation and access Earth system governance must address the question of how to allocate costs and benefits — in financial terms as well as in terms of changing the quality and quantity of resources and ecosystem services. Politics is about distribution, and earth system governance is no different. This is particularly pertinent for the relationship between developing and industrialized countries, which has caused disagreement in many areas of earth system governance, such as global climate and forestry policies.

Developing countries naturally demand stronger action from the richer nations that caused the current climate change in the first place, while refusing, for now, to agree to their own quantified commitments. However, with China agreeing to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions and following an EU summit in October , which recognized that developed countries need to support developing countries financially to adapt to climate change, disagreements could gradually be resolved.


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High and dry: a fishing boat at Moynaq, formerly a port on the shrinking Aral Sea, Uzbekistan. The disagreements are not just between the North and South.

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